Wednesday 31 October 2012

JOS YOUTH’S UNEMPLOYMENT AND WAY OUT


 

Plateau state government has side-line Jos city, no meaning project, no good road and no standard market for the past year’s, Jos city was double alienated first, marginalised by the state government and secondly was been engulfed by the issue of settlers-indigene issues which often escalated crisis and  which keep on occurring and reoccurring. What could a youth of Jos site should do? To be educated and to be reasonable in other confront those challenges.

 

Unemployment simply means any resources that is not fully utilized but in these piece am referring to human resource precisely ‘THE YOUTH’. Man most work in other to survive and he has nothing but his labour power, which here by submits his power to the market, in search of his daily bread.

 

Nigeria has almost 163 million population according to population census(2004).70% of the population are below the age of 40 years, therefore apart from oil and other natural resources Nigeria has youthful and productive population. The disturbing trend in youth transformation in Nigeria is unemployment. According to the Federal Ministry of youth Development in an Administrative record shown that Nigeria generate about 4.5 million new entrant into the labour market annually and the labour market is often able to absorb only 10% and therefore living about 4 million people who are either unemployed or underemployed. This led to many social vices and crisis across the federation which include armed robbery, political thuggery, and other act of terrorisms.

 

It is obvious that youth unemployment crisis has substantially contributed to the nation high poverty incidence currently estimated that about 54.4% large number of the population living in abject poverty, because of growing divergence between economic growth(GDP), similarly in Jos city, poor quality of education, training  and skill development

 

The state government under the administration of governor jang,  banned commercial motorcycles in Jos and some local government area of plateau state, in other to cushion the menace of insecurity, which bring an agitations by angry youths to the extent that lives  and properties  of individuals was been vanish. The good will is that, the state government could have provide sufficient ‘kekenape’,  commercial car’s that would circulate the city, and other developmental and empowering youth   skills acquisitions centres., that would make them, self-employed.  Indeed most of our youth remained unemployed because ‘okada’ is the only means of self-sustenance to them; some has wives and children’s. yet a couple of mouth ago, MTN Nigeria closed its jos network centre which lead to another catastrophe to jos youth because hundreds of graduate remained idle at home with no job.

 

Plateau state government need to empowered the youth to provide job opportunities in other to make them busy because ‘an idle mind is a workshop of devil’. More so to remove the sentiment of enthnocentricism, also urge the Member state House of Assembly Jos North-North in person of BABS and Member National House of Assembly Jos North/Bassa Federal Constituency in person of Suleiman Yahaya  as our only hope and heroes in plateau state to initiate Developmental Programmes that would up-lift Jos city and to revive the loose glory of democracy.

 

 


 

Friday 19 October 2012

THE NEMESIS CALLED SURE-P (2)


Last two weeks president Goodluck Jonathan presented 2013 budget proposal to the joint session of national assembly at Abuja with the theme of ‘Fiscal consolidation with exclusive growth’. As Nigeria is moving toward economic freedom and self-sufficiency by Mr. President Transformations Agenda.

If my memory will serve me well, President Goodluck Jonathan had assured Nigerians that the incomes of the partial withdrawal of petroleum subsidies will be applied to implementing the Subsidy Reinvestment Programme (SURE-P). In the 2012 fiscal year, the federal government also voted for N180 billion for the implementation of social safety net programmes, road and rail infrastructure projects. So far, N36.5 billion of this amount has been utilized to support maternal and child health programmes as well as mass transit, roads and rail projects and job creation through the Community Services and Public Works programme.

 

The SURE-P Board under the able chairmanship of Dr. Christopher Kolade is presently working hard to ensure the successful oversight of the implementation of this programed. Also Mr.prsident launched the Community Service, Women and Youth Empowerment Program (CSWYEP) under the SURE-P in February 2012. Which is now working in pilot phase in 14 states, and to be replicated in other states in 2 weeks. The federal government innovate the Graduate Internship Programme, in which participating private companies provide one-year internships to 50,000 graduates, paid by the Federal Government. So far, 700 firms, and 20,000 young graduates have applied to participate in this scheme.

 

President Goodluck Jonathan assured Nigerians in his 2013 budget  proposal speech  that the SURE-P will continue with the expected resources of N180 billion in 2013 augmented by the projected 2012 unspent balances bringing the total to about N273.5 billion. Urge the law makers to look into Mr. president 2013 budget proposal by proper debate before  the approval in other to ensure Mr. president Good will to Nigerians.

 

 

 

 

 

Wednesday 17 October 2012

NANS: UNITY OR DIVERSITY?


 

Nigerian student movement is relevant as any other group in the plural societies of Nigeria for it development. They have an historical responsibilities in political, economic and social activities of the country. History also informed us how Nigerian student struggle for the emacipetation of Nigerian independent in 1960. As the banning of National Union of Nigerian Students (NUNS) in 1978, student regroups into National Association of Nigerian Student (NANS). Then, student unionism was full of patriotism and selfless services for student and by all students. NANS of today is NANS of NONE STUDENT, as stalk holders which are universities drop out, deliberately have a spill over as the case may be and remained in NANS for donkey years with what they called interest and they decide ‘on who is or who is not’ on NANS leadership.

As Nigeria a federal and a heterogonous nation with almost 250 ethnic tribal groups, which up till date Nigeria is searching for it unity in diversity because It is obvious that, the standard of living among average Nigerians stands at zero level and corruption seem to be progressing every day. Poverty and crime rate are simultaneously at multiplier effect, the state of our education system is nothing to write home about; bedeviled with insuffiency in providing the basic necessities. The government cannot even secure the lives and properties of the citizens, needless to say that such government has failed.

Similarly in NANS politics, as educated leaders of tomorrow that was mainly made for student but a great paradox where by NANS representing their pocket and self-centered interest. Indeed NANS has a chameleon pieces with a policy of ‘no winner no looser’ strongly believed that if you have a mined and you can with stand any difficulties and challenges that might come your way. Therefore, one can declared self as a leader. The current NANS president in person of Muhammed Dauda has four factional leaders, which are executing their programs as NANS leaders, collecting money from government and other politician.

As Robert Greene in his book ‘the 48 law of power’ law number one assert that ‘never outshined your master’. In NANS there was no master but gang of educated illiterate because even HIM muhmmed Dauda is there as NANS president to enrich himself while universities management are increasing tuitions fees to student, insecurity seems to be the order of the day in porthencort, sokoto, mubi to name but few and student welfare is very poor. Nigerian students did we really need change and are we ready to be the leaders of tomorrow?

 In sequel to the preconvention and senate meeting of muhammed Dauda in Ibadan and that of kole Otaye in sokoto state on which muhammed Dauda set Jigawa state to be his conventional ground and kole Otaye set Taraba State be his conventional ground all in name of NANS which would schedule to take place in December for an election to a new government. We only have one president in Nigeria, only one moon and one sun, then why NANS has more than two presidents?

The hope of liberation of Nigerians falls on the youth and (we) must rise up to act, to speak and reject all forms of incompetency and irregularities in governances. I urge comr. Jude Imgwe Speacial Asistance on Student and Youth Matters to his excellency president Goodluck Jonathan. Who I know as student and once a factional president of NANS 2010 but now a leader and an elder to called a unity convention to also restructure and reshape NANS leadership. I strongly belived sir, that you can do it because you know NANS more than I do.




 

 

 

 

 

Thursday 11 October 2012

AWOLOWO AND ACHEBE'S TALE OF FATASY

Written by Femi Fani Koyade

I am a historian and I have always believed that if we want to talk history we must be dispassionate, objective and factual. We must take the emotion out of it and we must always tell the truth. The worst thing that anyone can do is to try to re-write history and indulge in historical revisionism. This is especially so when the person is a revered figure and a literary icon.

Sadly, it is in the light of such historical revisionism that I view Professor Chinua Achebe’s assertion that Chief Obafemi Awolowo, the late and much loved Leader of the Yoruba, was responsible for the genocide that the Igbos suffered during the civil war. This claim is not only false but it is also, frankly speaking, utterly absurd.Not only is Professor Achebe indulging in perfidy, not only is he being utterly dishonest and disingenuous but he is also turning history upside down and indulging in what I would describe as ethnic chauvinism.

I am one of those that has always had tremendous sympathy for the Igbo cause during the civil war. I am also an admirer of Colonel Emeka Odumegwu Ojukwu who stood up for his people when it mattered the most and when they were being slaughtered by rampaging mobs in the northern part of our country.At least 100,000 Igbos were killed in those northern pogroms which took place before the civil war and which indeed led directly to it. This was not only an outrage but it was also a tragedy of monumental proportions.Yet we must not allow our emotion or our sympathy for the suffering of the Igbo at the hands of northern mobs before the war started to becloud our sense of reasoning, as regards what actually happened during the prosecution of the war itself.

It is important to set the record straight and not to be selective in our application and recollection of the facts when considering what actually led to the starvation of hundreds of thousands of Igbo women, children and civilians during that war. And, unlike others, I do not deny the fact that hundreds of thousands were starved to death as a consequence of the blockade that was imposed on Biafra by the Nigerian Federal Government.To deny that this actually happened would be a lie. It is a historical fact. Again I do not deny the fact that Awolowo publicly defended the blockade and indeed told the world that it was perfectly legitimate for any government to impose such a blockade on the territory of their enemies in times of war. Awolowo said it, this is a matter of historical record and he was quoted in a number of British newspapers as having said so at the time.

Yet he spoke nothing but the truth. And whether anyone likes to hear it or not, he was absolutely right in what he said. Let me give you an example. During the Second World War a blockade was imposed on Germany, Japan and Italy by the Allied Forces and this was very effective. It weakened the Axis powers considerably and this was one of the reasons why the war ended at the time that it did. If there had been no blockade, the Second World War would have gone on for considerably longer.In the case of the Nigerian civil war though the story did not stop at the fact that a blockade was imposed by the Federal Government which led to the suffering, starvation, pain, death and hardship of the civilian Igbo population or that Awolowo defended it. That is only half the story.

There was a lot more to it and the fact that Achebe and most of our Igbo brothers and sisters always conveniently forget to mention the other half of the story is something that causes some of us from outside Igboland considerable concern and never ceases to amaze us.The bitter truth is that if anyone is to be blamed for the hundreds of thousands of Igbos that died from starvation during the civil war, it was not Chief Awolowo or even General Yakubu Gowon but, rather it was Colonel Emeka Odumegwu-Ojukwu himself. I say this because it is a matter of public record and a historical fact that the Federal Government of Nigeria made a very generous offer to Ojukwu and the Biafrans to open a road corridor for food to be ferried to the Igbos and to lessen the suffering of their civilian population.

This was as a consequence of a deal that was brokered by the international community who were concerned about the suffering of the Igbo civilian population and the death and hardship that the blockade was causing to them.Unfortunately Ojukwu turned this down flatly and instead insisted that food should be flown into Biafra by air in the dead of the night. This was unacceptable to the Federal Government because it meant that the Biafrans could, and indeed would, have used such night flights to smuggle badly needed arms and ammunition into their country for usage by their soldiers. That was where the problem came from and that was the issue.

Apart from that, Ojukwu found it expedient and convenient to allow his people to starve to death and to broadcast it on television screens all over the world in order to attract sympathy for the Igbo cause and for propaganda purposes. And this worked beautifully for him.

Ambassador Ralph Uweche, who was the Special Envoy to France for the Biafran Government during the civil war and who is the leader of Ohaeneze, the leading igbo political and socio-cultural organisation today, attested to this in his excellent book titled ”Reflections On The Nigerian Civil War”. That book was factual and honest and I would urge people like Achebe to go and read it well. The self-serving role of Ojukwu and many of the Biafran intelligentsia and elites and their insensitivity to the suffering of their own people during the course of the war was well enunciated in that book. The fact of the matter is that the starvation and suffering of hundreds of thousands of igbo men, women and children during the civil war was seen and used as a convenient tool of propaganda by Ojukwu and that is precisely why he rejected the offer of a food corridor by the Nigerian Government.

When those that belong to the post civil war generation of the igbo are wondering who was responsible for the genocide and mass starvation of their forefathers during the war they must firstly look within themselves and point their fingers at their own past leaders and certainly not Awolowo or Gowon. The person that was solely responsible for that suffering, for that starvation and for those slow and painful deaths was none other than Colonel Emeka Odumegwu-Ojukwu, the leader of Biafra, himself.

I have written many good things about Ojukwu on many occasions in the past and I stand by every word that I have ever said or written about him. In my view he was a man of courage and immense fortitude, he stood against the mass murder of his people in the north and he brought them home and created a safe haven for them in the east. For him, and indeed the whole of Biafra, the war was an attempt to exercise their legitimate right of self-determination and leave Nigeria due to the atrocities that they had been subjected to in the north. I cannot blame him or his people for that and frankly I have always admired his stand.

However he was not infallible and he also made some terrible mistakes, just as all great leaders do from time to time. The fact that he rejected the Nigerian Federal Government’s offer of a food corridor was one of those terrible mistakes and this cost him and his people dearly. Professor Chinua Achebe surely ought to have reflected that in his book as well. When it comes to the Nigerian civil war there were no villains or angels. During that brutal conflict no less than two million Nigerians and Biafrans died and the Yoruba who, unlike others, did not ever discriminate or attack any non-Yorubas that lived in their in their territory before the civil war or carry out any coups or attempted coups, suffered at every point as well. For example prominent Yoruba sons and daughters were killed on the night of the first Igbo coup of January 1966 and again in the northern ”revenge” coup of July 1966.

Many of our people were also killed in the north before the outbreak of the civil war and again in the mid-west and the east during the course and prosecution of the war itself. It was indeed the predominantly Yoruba Third Marine Commando, under the command of General Benjamin Adekunle (the ”Black Scorpion”) and later General Olusegun Obasanjo, that not only liberated the mid-west and drove the Biafrans out of there but they also marched into Igboland itself, occupied it, defeated the Biafran Army in battle, captured all their major towns and forced the Igbo to surrender. Third Marine Commando was made up of Yoruba soldiers and I can say without any fear of contradiction that we the Yoruba therefore paid a terrible and heavy price as well during the war because many of our boys were killed on the war front by the Biafrans.

The sacrifice of these proud sons of the South-West that died in battle to keep Nigeria one must not be belittled, mocked or ignored. Clearly it was not only the Igbo that suffered during the civil war. Neither does it auger well for the unity of our nation for Achebe and the Igbo intelligentsia that are hailing his self-serving book to caste aspersions on the character, role and noble intentions of the late and revered Leader of the Yoruba, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, during the civil war. The man may have made one or two mistakes in the past like every other great leader and of course there was a deep and bitter political division in Yorubaland itself just before the civil war started and throughout the early ’60?s. Yet by no stretch of the imagination can Awolowo be described as an Igbo-hating genocidal maniac and he most certainly did not delight in the starvation of millions of Igbo men, women and children as Achebe has tried to suggest.

My advice to this respected author is that he should leave Chief Awolowo alone and allow him to continue to rest in peace. This subtle attempt to denigrate the Yoruba and their past leaders, to place a question mark on their noble and selfless role in the war and to belittle their efforts and sacrifice to keep Nigeria together as one will always be vigorously resisted by those of us that have the good fortune of still being alive and who are aware of the facts. We will not remain silent and allow anyone, no matter how respected or revered, to re-write history.

Simply put by writing this book and making some of these baseless and nonsensical assertions, Achebe was simply indulging in the greatest mendacity of Nigerian modern history and his crude distortion of the facts has no basis in reality or rationality. We must not mistake fiction and story telling for historical fact. The two are completely different. The truth is that Professor Chinua Achebe owes the Awolowo family and the Yoruba people a big apology for his tale of pure

 

FEDERALISM: THEORY AND HYPOTHESIS


 

shall adopt the theory of federalism in generating our hypothesis. There is neither an accepted theory of federalism, nor any agreement as to its real nature (Ray, 2006:150). This implies that the term is still shrouded in controversy largely because of contrasting conceptualization. However, commendable attempts have been made by different scholars to demystify the concept. Ray (ibid), distinguishes between a federal principle, a federal constitution and a federal government. By the federal principle, he means ‘the method of dividing powers so that the general and regional governments are each within a sphere, coordinate and independent.’ A federal constitution is one in which the federal principle is predominant. A federal government is that which embodies predominantly a division of powers between general and regional authorities each of which, in its own sphere, is coordinate with others and independent of them. The explanation given to the federal recipe above gives a clear picture of what a federation looks like.

From an operational perspective, Ojo (2002) points out that federalism is reputed to be an effective political and constitutional design for managing complex governmental problems usually associated with ethnic and cultural diversity. Mazrui (1971) asserts that federalism is an institutionalization of compromise relationship. It is not only democratic, complete with the institutionalization of most essential ingredients; it is also creative and flexible enough to incorporate several accommodation formulas.

 

Despite the optimism regarding the ability of federalism to resolve problems of diversity and disparity in the interests of harmony and unity, Jinadu (1979) opines that there is the problem of how to design the federation in such a way as to prevent an ethnic group or a combination of ethnic groups, or one state or a combination of states, from perpetually dominating and imposing their will on other ethnic groups and also contestations over land the issue of indigene- settlers as witnessed in Jos.

 

One cannot discuss federalism in Nigeria outside its implication for the country’s ethnic diversity (Agbu, 2004:3). From a socio-economic perspective, believes that the contestation over federalism in Nigeria has manifested itself not only in the quest for federally generated revenue but also access and control over political power as the country is still searching for unity in diversity.

 

 

CORRELATIONAL HYPOTHESIS

1.     Chaos and crisis weaken the security  of a federal state

2.     Federal principle, constitution and government are design to manage the complex national  problems of human society

3.     Ethnic  diversity makes a combination of ethnic groups or one state or a combination of states dominating and imposing their will on other ethnic groups and also a contestations over land

4.     Unity in diversity  is made to promote harmony and peace among ethnic groups      

                                                                                                    

DIRECTIONAL HYPOTHESIS

1. The contestation over land just as the issue of indigene-settlers as        witnessed in Jos  resulted to crisis and human lives, properties and lands  were vanish

2. The principle of federal character based on ethnic and religious consideration enthrones mediocrity

3. The more ethnic diversity and the less unity in diversity

 

CAUSAL HYPOTHESIS

1. Nigerians in quest for federally generated revenue and control over political power led to conflict among ethnic groups

2. Federalism resolves problems of diversity and disparity in the interest of harmony and unity

3. Nigeria federalism promote diversity which causes inter communal conflict among Nigerians   

                                                                                                      

 

 

DIRECTIONAL HYPOTHESIS IN OPERATIONAL FORM

 

Directional Form

1. The contestation over land just as the issue of indigene-settlers as witnessed in Jos  resulted to crisis and human lives, properties and lands  were vanish

Operational Form

“As natives try to dominate one another over land just as witnessed in Jos, the issue of indigene-settlers often escalate crisis, lives, properties and lands were vanish”

Directional form

2. The principle of federal character based on ethnic and religious consideration enthrones mediocrity

Operational form

          “Equity, fairness and justice in the distribution of national   wealth  to various religious and ethnic groups in a federal state makes the      whole citizen to participate in the political systems”

Directional form

3. The more ethnic diversity and the less unity in diversity

Operational form

          “The more marginalization and injustice in budget allocation,                   the higher ethnic diversity and chaos will arise in the federal          state”                                       

 

             


 

 

 

Saturday 6 October 2012

THE SOCIAL MOVEMENT COMMONLY CALLED BOKO HARAM: THE WAY/OUT

 
Written By Prof.M M YUSIF(B.U.K POL.SCI.)

That phenomenon called Boko Haram! What is it? What is its identity? As of now no one can say. It is still on process of formation.

Let us assume is not a religious movement! Not of foreign invaders or tribalists sent to cause chaos in Northern Nigeria. Neither a state terrorist organization.

Unfortunately, educated Nigerians have dissolved into street opinion about the subject and the solution. So, we are not making progress to understand and keep on talking about what could be the many dimensions of the way out.

I think, if there is any identity one could give to this phenomenon, it is youth upheaval in the urban centres, simply, urban youth violence.

Nevertheless, like the street talks, the intellectuals located in centres of learning and research are hardly aware that this kind of urban youth violence is a global phenomenon.

Many decades ago, precisely in the 1930s, a period of economic breakdown in the USA, produced distress and confusion in the daily lives of millions of people. This resulted in deepening contradiction in the elite and violence by the urban youth, which became known as unemployed movement, in order to streamline it within the framework of the law of United States of America. In Europe, even recently the youth had taken over some major streets, in some major cities, as a result of the Euro-Zone financial crisis.

In the twenty-first century, there is a resurgence of this global phenomenon in developing countries. In Latin America, liberalization and democratization of the society produced this trend. In Asia it is less, because Nationalist market Economy provided a shock-absorber.

In Urban centres in Africa is very common but is expressed in different form of violence.

Take the case of Nairobi in Kenya and Cairo in Egypt. In Nairobi, this has created a posture of confusion among the elites and in order to manage power, they adjust to maintain power.

There has been youth urban violence, in Northern Nigeria too! Because it is in the North, not in the South of Nigeria, it is being interpreted with sentiment. People do not mind to examine the structure of injustice, the greediness of the elites, elites response to youth problem, etc. in the two regions.

However, from whatever, perspective one takes it, this kind of violence may end up in positive or negative social change which will affect the whole of Nigeria as a nation or even not as a nation.

In many places where this occurred, the changes have become positive. But it depends how they are managed. How?

  1. Recognize the movement as a social force which could be used for development of the society.
  2. Let it be a social organization which, could talk and write on its demands
  3. Let it be or make it to be an open organization, whose activities are governed by legal provisions in the country.
  4. It should become an organization to talk openly with any group or any group including the state to negotiate with it.
  5. People should not be arrested and killed for whatever reason without facing the law.
  6. In case violence persists the law is already there to deal with the case accordingly.